Η Αθηνά, κατά την Ελληνική μυθολογία, ήταν η θεά της σοφίας, της στρατηγικής και του πολέμου. Παλαιότεροι τύποι του ονόματος της θεάς ήταν οι τύποι Ἀθάνα (δωρικός) και Ἀθήνη, το δε όνομα Ἀθηνᾶ, που τελικά επικράτησε, προέκυψε από το επίθετο Ἀθαναία, που συναιρέθηκε σε Ἀθηνάα > Ἀθηνᾶ. Στον πλατωνικό Κρατύλο το όνομα Αθηνά ετυμολογείται από το Α-θεο-νόα ή Η-θεο-νόα, δηλαδή η νόηση του Θεού (Κρατυλ. 407b), αλλά η εξήγηση αυτή είναι παρετυμολογική.
This article discusses an attempt to identify provenance details of textiles that came to the Victoria and Albert Museum, London through an association with the archaeologist Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie. This study revealed that Petrie is responsible, directly or indirectly, for over 500 Egyptian textile pieces held at the V&A. He donated and sold items to the Museum while others came via individuals who had personal or institutional associations with Petrie. The collection is mainly representative of the Late Antique period. Many of the textiles have little or no reliable provenance details while others came from known sites that were attributed to the object upon arrival at the V&A or through this study – sites including Meidum, Tarkhan, the Fayum, Hawara, Kahun, Tanis, Oxyrhynchus, Qarara, the Qau el-Kebir and Badari district, and Akhmim.
This article examines the primary accounts of the findspot of an 8-foot-tall bronze statue, usually identified as the Emperor Trebonianus Gallus, now residing at the Metropolitan Museum in New York. It identifies a previously-unrecognized source as the origin of the story of the statue’s alleged discovery two centuries ago in the Lateran area of Rome, and argues that the source is not a trustworthy one. It considers the vested interests of the statue’s various owners, as well as the scholarly conventions, that kept – and continue to keep – the dubious story alive. It concludes that this is a cautionary tale; and that the provenances of the ostensibly best-known works of ancient art are just as much in need of critical examination as those of recently-surfaced antiquities.
From the fourteenth century until the end of the eighteenth century, almost every town of the Kingdom of Naples had one or more Seggi where the main families used to meet in order to take decisions about the city governement. The Seggi were also the preferred places for locating antiquities and ancient inscriptions of the towns. This paper analyzes the character of such collections, focusing on their meaning for the civic identity of the urban communities of southern Italy between the late medieval and the early modern period.
In the 1540s, Francesco Primaticcio created a group of large-scale bronze statues for the French king, Francois I. These statues were copied after famous marble antiques in Roman collections, especially the Belvedere statue court. The display history of the bronzes at Fontainebleau follows a complex trajectory of diffusion of Italian,all’antica artistic norms in sixteenth-century France. This study explores the adaptability of these sculptural copies and their role in the development of a critical culture of art in early modern France. Initially, the bronzes were installed indoors, reflecting the exclusive viewing environment of Francois’ court ambit. Later, the bronzes were placed in the garden and in architectural niches in a setting more reminiscent of Italian precedents. It is suggested that the outdoor placement occasioned a shift in the reception of the bronzes, and of Fontainebleau as a whole, into a ‘new Rome’ that now offered forth its artistic treasures to artists in training and casual visitors.
This article describes the increasing accessibility of private galleries in Copenhagen during the early years of the nineteenth century, which formed an important prelude to the formation of a formal public art gallery in 1824–5. After a period of gradually increasing openness of a few private collections of Old Masters, the Moltke Gallery opened in 1804 as the first fully accessible collection of this kind. Though this happened almost by coincidence, as Count Moltke had simply found himself unable to dispose of his father’s collection and decided to put it on show, his initiative soon found ideological backing in a period of wartime nationalism. In this climate, the exhibiting of private art collections was increasingly represented as an act of patriotism and charity. The foremost representative of this movement was the idealist collector Hans West, whose own gallery ultimately came to play an integral part in the formation of a public art gallery in Denmark.
In the last decade of his life the Duke of Bridgewater (1736–1803), who had amassed enormous wealth from developing canals in the north-west of England, became a major collector of continental Old Master paintings, thereby founding what was to become the greatest private art collection in nineteenth-century London. His most spectacular purchase was the acquisition in 1798 of sixty-four Italian and French pictures, previously in the Orléans collection in Paris, many of them of outstanding quality. But more than twice this number in his collection were Dutch, including some thirty identified here as bought at the Gildemeester sale in Amsterdam in 1800. The present article traces the development of the Bridgewater collection, from early commissions by the Duke on his Grand Tour of 1753–5 to his late spending spree of the 1790s. It also considers the installation of his growing collection at his London home of Cleveland House, St James’s.
When the Musée du Luxembourg was founded in 1818, it was conceived as a museum for contemporary paintings by French artists whose work had been acquired by the state. It was rooted in a patriotic attitude and did not concern itself with foreign art. During the second half of the century, however, the concept of an international collection came to be adopted. This article sheds light on the origins of these international ambitions that were closely intertwined with nationalistic attitudes in late nineteenth-century Paris. The aspiration for a national museum of contemporary art with an international collection arose on one hand from a universal vision, bringing together all artistic expression, and on the other hand from a nationalistic idea, concerned with the affirmation of France’s superiority over other countries.
Throughout history people all over the world have made three-dimensional, small-scale models of their own and others’ material culture. The miniature format can seem easily comprehensible, yet as selective interpretations of reality, models hide complex choices of design and ideology. This article traces the history of the non-European ship model collection in the care of the National Maritime Museum, London. It finds in a single collection of miniature watercraft a nexus for many narratives, highlighting the values and multiple significances that have been invested in these models and others like them, both at the point of their production and during their ‘lives’ in Western collections. In doing so, it investigates the role that non-European models have played in an institution dedicated to ‘British’ national identity and, more broadly, considers the functions, effects and limitations of modelling, both in terms of cross-cultural design practice and museum display.
In 1955 the notable American politician and art collector, Nelson A. Rockefeller, commissioned a tapestry after Pablo Picasso’s canonical 1937 painting, Guernica. Not only did the Guernica tapestry catalyze Rockefeller’s significant collection of hand-woven tapestries reproducing Picasso paintings, but the tapestry also went on to circulate as a substitute for Picasso’s famous painting and as an exemplar of Rockefeller’s celebrated art collection. The Guernica tapestry sheds light on Rockefeller’s engagement with art reproduction and on the continued practice of collecting copies in the twentieth century. Examining these Picasso tapestries elucidates how such a notable collector as Rockefeller engaged with reproduction despite the sometimes critical reactions of his art advisers, as well as how Rockefeller and the artists, dealers, and curators who facilitated his collection negotiated the questions of authorship, originality, and verisimilitude raised by the Picasso tapestries.
Απαντάται για πρώτη φορά στην Ιλιάδα (0-412) : ''...που με την ορμηνία της Αθηνάς κατέχει καλά την τέχνη του όλη...'' .. Η αρχική λοιπόν σημασία της λέξης δηλώνει την ΓΝΩΣΗ και την τέλεια ΚΑΤΟΧΗ οποιασδήποτε τέχνης. .. Κατά τον Ησύχιο σήμαινε την τέχνη των μουσικών και των ποιητών. Αργότερα,διευρύνθηκε η σημασία της και δήλωνε : την βαθύτερη κατανόηση των πραγμάτων και την υψηλού επιπέδου ικανότητα αντιμετώπισης και διευθέτησης των προβλημάτων της ζωής. .. Δεν είναι προ'ι'όν μάθησης αλλά γνώση πηγαία που αναβρύζει από την πνευματικότητα του κατόχου της. "ΣΟΦΟΣ Ο ΠΟΛΛΑ ΕΙΔΩΣ" λέει ο Πίνδαρος ..
Δεν υπάρχουν σχόλια:
Δημοσίευση σχολίου